Post-Mubarak Egypt: From successful protest to sustainable social transformation

Before January 25, 2011, Egyptians had no political ambition. On Saturday, they did.

The Egyptian people were united in chanting “down with the regime.” That is what they got on February 11, 2011 after a three-week standoff with the head of that very regime. Now that the president has stepped down, and handed over his powers to a military council, Egyptians must deal with a new challenge: state building, and institution-building. Aside from being a tedious process, this will also be an anxious process.

As the dust has settles and the euphoria of victory has passed, it will become clear how much in Egypt has been broken and needs short-term fixing and long-term transformation. Not least of this is the constitution, which is said to have at least 25 articles that need to change if it is not scrapped in its entirety.

The immediate amendments to the constitution involve the short-term political transition, and will impact who is able to stand for candidacy in the autumn of 2011 as well as who should monitor the election and guarantee its fairness. With the military council suspending the constitution on Feb. 13, the road is now paved for constitutional reform to take place.

The short-term political transition must also include immediate redress of the grave mistakes of the 2010 parliamentary election – rigged in almost every aspect of it by the (former) president and his National Democratic Party, and by far the most disgraceful in recent Egyptian history. Since it is parliament that has traditionally elected the president, dealing with this is a priority.

There were two ways to handle this matter: for the courts to consider and accept the hundreds of cases of fraud filed against the majority of the winners in the 2010 parliamentary election, or by having the military council simply dissolve parliament and call for new elections. The military council opted for the second route and dissolved the upper and lower houses of parliament – thus showing even greater goodwill toward the demands of the protestors.

Getting these short-term fixes right is of critical importance for the medium- and long-term future of Egypt since their outcomes will be with us for at least 5 years in new presidential and parliamentary terms. The goodwill and stalwart patience shown by the military in the face of millions of frustrated but peaceful protestors must continue to be the guarantor that these elections take place under a transitional or new constitution. At the same time, they should provide the kind of security and stability that allows the country to rid itself of the abhorrent 30-year emergency laws.

Two other processes remain critical, but are more medium- and long-term. The first is justice. Opposition figure Mohammed Al-Baradei rightly indicated that retribution should not be the main priority of this revolution, even though it is clear that many figures of the outgoing regime will have to be held accountable for years of corruption, physical and psychological torture, and flat-out conspiracy against the Egyptian people. Even though the Egyptian revolution did not involve a civil war, some kind of transitional justice process will need to take place.

This will be a process that restructures the legal, institutional and political environment in a way that preserves the gains of the revolution – basically that the will of the people must and will prevail. It should ensure an inclusive and participatory spirit that is not intimidated by the participation of the Muslim Brotherhood, and includes previously disenfranchised groups such as the secular opposition, Copts, women, expatriates, and mainly the youth. It would prevent future relapse into authoritarianism – a phenomenon not uncommon in post-revolutionary contexts. This process builds social resilience, brings a restored sense of dignity to victims of years of oppression, and seeks to tangibly and emotionally compensate them.

The second critical process is to liberate Egyptian civil society energies from the shackles of the oppressive NGO laws, and allow this sector to be a true mediator between the people and those individuals and institutions that govern them. In a transitional justice process, repairing broken relationships, seeking truth about past wrong-doing and pursuing genuine reconciliation will be the primary contributions of a strong and vibrant civil society sector.

President Obama, in a moving speech that likened the Egyptian revolution to historic and emancipating social movements, summed up the mood of world watching this drama unfold; ‘Egyptians have inspired us,’ he said. But what is most important is that Egyptians have also inspired other Egyptians and Arabs: we are all free from fear. Today, and for the days to come, Egyptians will rejoice: I once was lost, but now I’m found. Was blind, but now I see.

Samuel Rizk is an Egyptian-born Ph.D. candidate at the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University.