Religion, Peace and Justice

The Role of Religion in Conflict Transformation: Contributions of ‘Catholic Priests for Justice’ to Human Rights and Reconciliation in Korea

Howon Jeong, ICAR Faculty and Hwa Young Lee

As is reflected in the examples of Latin American Catholic churches’ resistance against brutal military dictatorships and Tibetan Buddhist struggles for self-determination, religious conviction and practice can provide courage and conscience to fight for social justice even under the most authoritative, oppressive political circumstances. Conflict resolution and peace in repressive societies cannot be achieved without correcting institutional injustice and social inequality. Religious groups can claim a moral authority to demand justice while raising the conscience of the public. Catholic Priests for Justice in Korea is one of the examples in Asia that illustrate what kind of roles religion and religious groups can play in transforming social conflicts rooted in unjust political and economic structures.

Support for Human Rights

The Catholic Priests for Justice in Korea (officially known as Catholic Priests’ Association for Justice) concentrated on human rights such as the release of poets, writers, reporters, university professors, and students arrested for violation of a state security law until the achievement of liberal democracy in the mid-1980s. The Priests for Justice were born in response to the 1974 arrest of a bishop who protested arbitrary imprisonments of intellectuals and questioned the legitimacy of government authority to do so. Since then, the group has gotten involved in numerous nonviolent demonstrations and supported other groups such as student organizations, peasant associations, and trade unions engaged in civil disobedience.

They defied government laws which restricted labor movements and endorsed the demand of intellectuals for political changes. In particular, the priests denounced, in public, the oppressive nature of government policies as well as helping activists escape from police arrests. The priests often took the central stage of protests when none in the organized civil society sectors continued to provide persistent challenges to the authoritarian regimes run by former military generals from the mid-1970s to mid-1980s.

In the darkest part of Korean political history since World War II, the priests rekindled and represented the conscience of many who could not express themselves for fear of imprisonment and torture. While the Priests for Justice is widely known for being a main advocate of human rights in Korea and expressing the will of the popular mass as well as intellectuals, its reputation comes with a heavy price, as illustrated by the fact that during its existence, more than 100 priests and their close supporters were arrested for collaboration with and protection of “state enemies” and “North Korean communist sympathizers”.

Nonviolent Struggles and Conflict Transformation

Conflict can be used as a means to bring about social transformation needed to realize justice. The uncompromising stance on human dignity and support for the marginalized by the Catholic Priests for Justice has lent hope to those who want to struggle to transform an oppressive system. Their Christian practice and values have only reinforced the recognition of universal human freedom and equality particularly with their advocacy role in protesting the imprisonment of those who have shown preference for opposing economic and political systems.

The arrest and detention of labor activists and students were conducted by Korean intelligence agencies and security forces in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In such circumstances, religious leaders were able to raise the voice of opposition to the regime more effectively. Bishop Tji Hak-Soon was arrested by the Korean Intelligence Agency in July 1974 for organizing nonviolent rallies aimed at revealing the illegality of government rule and denouncing the death of a Seoul National University law school professor held under the custody of the state intelligence agency. When the torture of anti-government intellectuals was explicitly and implicitly condoned by the top political leadership, the moral and organizational strength of religious groups were essential elements in putting up fierce struggles against the rule under national security laws used to justify the repression of government opposition.

The struggle of the Catholic Priests for Justice led to enhancing the consciousness of various social sectors, including peasants, blue-collar labor and middle-class professionals who normally conform to the existing order. The 1986 popular uprising (with the participation of more than one million citizens on June 20) and consequent changes in the government structure can be attributed, to a great extent, to a decade-long struggle of the Priests for Justice, who ignited popular energy and became a symbol of resistance. Their willingness to sacrifice for truth and justice gave courage to others.

Continuing Struggles

Even though liberal democracy was restored, that does not necessarily mean that dominant political values and institutions were completely abolished. Although some societies in Asia have experienced a successful transition to liberal democratic order, the struggle for equality and human rights continues, as many people are still marginalized economically and politically. Whereas many groups either declined or were co-opted within formal democracy since the dramatic political change in 1986, the Priests for Justice have been continuing to struggle against the old legacies of past authoritarian regimes. They demanded investigation of all the past crimes related to the torture and death of anti-government intellectuals in suspicious circumstances. Their pressure resulted in the full inquiry into past human rights crimes, through fact-finding commissions, with increasing support for the abolishment of laws which were sources of government abuses in the past.

The priests organized hunger strikes and other campaigns to eliminate a national security law that was outdated and inherited from the period when anti-communism was the prevailing order. The old power structure and practice cannot be easily wiped out because despite elections, political hegemony is still in the hands of the elite who benefited from the past system. Liberal democracy does not always indicate that laws and rules are fair to everyone in society. The Catholic Priests for Justice have been on the forefront to advocate for prisoners of conscience and reveal the immorality of old legal and institutional practice. The priests promoted values of freedom, justice, and political empowerment through religious activities and commitment to universal salvation.

Reconciliation with North Korea

The Catholic Priests for Justice have also been encouraging reconciliation with North Korea and social healing of ideological/psychological confrontations. The priests organized a reconciliatory mass and prayer held in the capital of North Korea for national reconciliation and peace. The priests were involved in the delivery of food, medical and humanitarian aid and supported efforts to increase corn production to reduce starvation in the late 1990s

In defiance of laws which restrict political contacts with North Korea, some priests visited North Korea and were eventually arrested for their efforts to bring conciliatory messages of those whose views are not represented by their government to North Korea. In fact, one of the priests was imprisoned under the National Security Law of South Korea which prohibits attendance of political events sponsored by North Korean organizations.

In Promotion of Peace and Social Justice

The Catholic Priests for Justice led ecumenical movements promoting peace and the environment as well as the abolishment of laws opposed to human rights. The movements have been based on coalition building with students, labor organizers, peasants, and other religious sects such as Protestants and Buddhists. The Priests for Justice have shown unyielding support for those who continue to be marginalized by neo-liberal political order. The activities of the priests have been extended to protest the arrests of workers. The priests supported the rights of trade union leaders (who were arrested in violation of laws which prevent the use of labor strikes in expressing political views, such as opposition to the dispatch of troops to Iraq).

The priest group also struggled side by side with peasant associations whose economic life was made difficult by government policies. In support of collective rights for labor and farmers (asking for the protection of minimum economic conditions), they facilitated the organization of independent associations over the past three decades. By supporting labor and peasants’ groups, the priests developed links to the popular mass and enhanced their critical understanding of the exploitative nature of capitalist political economy. A sympathetic voice was lent to the demand of farmers who wanted to reverse deteriorating economic conditions with compensation for the loss of income caused by cheap imports from China and other countries.

The involvement of the priests in advocating labor interests contributed to changing power relations between the government and labor unions. As a result, Korean labor movements have become one of the most powerful elements in society to the extent that it is now unique in Asia.

The priest group was also interested in environmental concerns. Representing the values and ideas of preserving a natural habitat for migrant species in a southwestern province of Korea, they joined forces with Buddhist monks to raise awareness that nature is the source of all life. Their values reflected harmony between nature and human society; an ecological system should be liberated from excessive economic exploitation, which eventually harms human life. Symbolizing their deep respect for nature, the priests and Buddhist monks carried out a 65-day journey, which entailed walking three steps and then bowing to the ground. The concerns of some priests were extended to such environmental conflicts as the destruction of mountains, rivers and seashores for mere business interests. The priests endorsed anti-dam protests and raised questions about environmental hazards attributed to nuclear power plant’s wastes.

bases; in addition, their firm commitment to peace led to support for anti- Iraq war movements. The priests established a peace award given to an air force officer who opposed government armament procurement policies, such as a wasteful purchase of expensive American jet fighters. Their participation in peace and justice movements has been expanded to the issues of family violence and “comfort women” (who were brought to the war front by the Japanese government during World War II but have never been compensated for their sufferings), as well as opposition to anti-terrorism laws.

Religion and Social Justice

The struggle of the Catholic Priests derives from their belief that religious ethics cannot simply reside in personal comfort and healing of the soul, recognizing that personal miseries are rooted in an oppressive social structure. Especially when the state exercises overwhelming power and uses a dominant ideology, laws and government regulations simply degenerate into a means to control individual behavior. Their violent structure influences social issues which religion should not neglect. In fact, personal salvation cannot be achieved with the existence of social injustice which leaves others in exploitative social and economic conditions.

Religious activities cannot be simply confined to inner, meditative activities in the presence of oppressive relations. Churches and priests cannot ignore social realities that limit human conditions. Instead of being capitulated to or co-opted by political order, religion should promote universal human values. The role of the Priests for Justice, in fact, proves that religion has a responsibility for correcting social ills; it is essential to overcome a dichotomy between personal salvation and social ethics.

Social participation in structural reform goes hand in hand with personal transformation. The priests understand that the role of religion is not limited to praying for personal material well-being or individual success; we have to overcome the dichotomy between heaven and earth. Religion should pay attention to the poor, marginalized, and starved; salvation of individuals is not possible without the liberation of the entire society. Individual happiness cannot be achieved if there are neighbors who are oppressed and impoverished. The priests have preached that responsibilities for sharing sufferings are inevitable given our interconnectedness to others.

Respect for life is ecumenical, so the value cannot be restricted to narrowly defined arenas of religious beliefs. Wider movements (joined by other religious and non-religious groups) need to be created in the pursuit of humanism (based on restoration of human dignity of the oppressed) oriented toward love, justice, inclusiveness, and sacrifice.

Religion, Empowerment, and Political Struggle

The role of religion in oppressed social situations is related to empowerment. It provides a historical context in which churches should exist for the oppressed labor, peasant, vulnerable and poor classes. The cover of religion kept those who opposed the government from being accused of sympathizing with the socialist North and supporters of violent revolutions designed to establish a radical political order. The priests supported and provided protective shields for individuals and groups which wanted to promote reconciliation with North Korea. Religious identity or blessing served to legitimize actions defined as illegal by the government but considered moral by the priests; ideological or political barriers can be overcome by universal love.

A priest accompanied a student who visited and joined political rallies in North Korea that were opposed by the South Korean government. The government could not easily brand her as a sympathizer of the communist North, since this was done with the blessing of the priests. While both the student and priest were imprisoned, the visit demonstrated to the public, both domestic and international, the anti-humanitarian nature of the law.

The dominant concerns of the priests centered on advocating the rights of those who were marginalized both economically and politically. Nonviolence was pursued even when there was a social atmosphere that led some to believe in the use of violence for struggle against oppressive political regimes. The priests considered violence as anti-human. In their view, violence was seen as anti-life, exclusivist in the spirit of Jesus Christ.

The priests believe that disobedience to the evil of state power controlled by few is necessary in continuing the struggle to transform the oppressors or, at least, change the balance of power against the oppressors. Challenging authoritarian rules means re-balancing relations between the state and individuals as well as redefining conflict between dominant and subordinate groups. The state is not more valuable than individuals; state interests should not overwhelm individual rights to happiness and freedom. Social order should not be based on blind obedience to the existing hierarchies. There is no natural law indicating that anyone was given the authority and right to order by God.

The Priests for Justice challenged the ideology and absolute values associated with state supremacy and national security. The state does not represent, in itself, the uppermost value replacing universal values of Christian love. Salvation is not confined to those associated with churches, being extended to the oppressed. National reconciliation is not separated from human rights, since the authoritarian government used fear of enemy to maintain its power. The notions of justice were also applied to environmental destruction and exploitation which is, in essence, anti-life. An inner sense of justice and peace is not isolated from miseries in the outer world.

Compared with Liberation Theology

The priests attempted to overcome hostile relations with the North that were used to maintain the power of state institutions. Their position can be compared with liberation theology in Latin America that reflects a social and historical context of military dictatorships and deep social inequality. Religious belief and theology can be adjusted to political and social crises. However, the priests’ participation in real-world struggles was not always welcomed by the church hierarchy mainly interested in individual salvation. In contrast with ambivalent attitudes of the mainstream Korean Catholic churches toward social activism, support for the practice of liberation theology has been deeper and wider within Latin American Catholic churches.

The critique of social ills (such as unequal distribution) produced by rapid economic growth in Korea during the 1970s resulted in theology for the marginalized popular mass. Theology for the popular mass focused on human rights, not only political and civic but also economic and social, and their praxis. Despite its support for the marginalized in society in its early existence, Catholic Priests for Justice paid more attention to political oppression, respect for human rights, and resistance against the authoritarian governments than on structures associated with economic exploitation.

Liberation theology is based on the historical analysis of the economic dependency of Latin American societies in global capitalism and of imperialism which generates power-imbalanced relations between classes. Thus liberation theology has been affected by the reality of Latin America such as colonial oppression and the desire to overcome capitalist domination. Contrary to that, the Korean Priests for Justice had to respond to the repression of labor rights which inhibits the demand for equal distribution of wealth in a rapidly growing economy.

In contrast with its Korean counterpart, liberation theology does not completely deny violence as the last means for resistance. Catholic priests in the southwestern province of Korea convinced students involved in a violent uprising in 1980 to give up their weapons. The denial of violence is based on the differences between Korean and Latin American experiences; political oppression in Korea was more sophisticated than in Latin America (the latter engaged in mass arrests and killings by the military for a sustained period). Liberation theology accepted radical social change even with socialist orientations. On the other hand, Priests for Justice are more oriented toward reform within a liberal democracy (ranging from human rights to support for women’s well-being). Regardless of their political disposition, however, the Priests for Justice, like their counterparts, fought with and for the oppressed whose voice could have been ignored or silenced; those who have been the most marginalized in the capitalist economic order; those who have to be worried about everyday survival.

Challenges

With progress in formal democracy, conservative orientations of the middle and even lower classes begin to prevail; stabilization of state-society relations has been supported by indirect but more effective control of the dominant political and economic forces over society. With the restoration of liberal democratic order, various social sectors become more status quo oriented, with the pursuit of narrow group interests. Now, with the achievement of their middle class income, many labor groups are less inclined to pay attention to broad social issues. In consumer-oriented mass society with a market economy, it is more difficult to promote political agendas for the oppressed, marginalized sectors of society.

The expansion of capitalism and associated materialist values has been successful in reducing the perceptions of deep social and economic divisions. Although the Priests for Justice helped and touched many lives, those elements (labor and middle-class professionals) whose interests were advocated and fought for by the priests have become major stake holders within a liberal democratic order, losing interest in transforming the social structures which marginalized them in the past. Through material co-optation and political stability, the state pacified class and social relations with the reproduction of a hegemony which is different in forms and substance from that of previous authoritarian regimes, whose contradictions were obvious.

Institutionalized churches become silent or advocates of social order while their concerns are limited to the civil and political rights of individuals and formal democracy (represented by regular elections and changes in the political leadership). State respect for the institutionalized church minimized the need for the mainstream church hierarchy to get involved in social and political matters. The continuing challenges of the Priests for Justice to hierarchical values are no longer shared or respected by the leadership of the Catholic Church.

Peace and Justice in Asia

In peace and justice, nonviolent struggle does not reach its limit, underlying the fact that social injustice should not be neglected or perceived as an inevitable by-product of economic growth. The Catholic Priests for Justice represents a model of groups which want to bring social justice to the marginalized and oppressed. Its methods have been to educate through self-sacrifice and to raise the consciousness of others who are indifferent to or support an oppressive social system.

Like a candle that brings light to total darkness, the conscience of the priests served as a twilight that heralded morning in the oppressed society which needed to be transformed. Religious convictions were a main factor behind motivating the priests and energizing others who pursued equality and empowerment. Equally important, the Catholic Priests for Justice demonstrated that religion can be used for social healing and reconciliation of different values.

Religious groups can form their own networks even under constant surveillance and monitoring by state security institutions. The activities of the priests have upheld universal human values and rights of the underprivileged. Catholic Priests for Justice contributed to remembering the lessons of the past and building a new foundation for human rights.

Thirty years of struggle left an important legacy, echoing the voice of those who demanded an egalitarian society: peasants protesting the elimination of subsidies; workers with limited rights. In Asia, human rights values have not been fully respected by their governments. Political changes in the mid- 1980s in Korea can be compared with the civil, political unrest which led to dramatic political transformations in Indonesia and other Asian countries in the late 1990s. However, some governments are still under authoritarian rule run by a few top leaders (e.g., China, Cambodia and Vietnam) or a ruthless military oligarchy (Burma). The Priests for Justice illustrate that conflict resolution and reconciliation will not take place without progress in social justice and human rights. Its global vision was extended to protest a massacre of indigenous people in the Amazon (June 1996). The priests’ reputation elicited the request for collaborative relationships by the Japanese Justice and Peace Committee represented by Catholic priests.